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- Info
e971516
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issue
97
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april/june 2001
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A HUMAN RIGHTS
GATSATSTROPE
"GATS could, quite simply, be
globalization's last frontier: the end of
the very concept of not-for-profit public
services."
Maude Barlow, Council of Canadians, in The
Ecologist, February 2001.
GATS? What Is That?
GATS, the General Agreement on Trade in
Services, is yet another little-known but
extremely important treaty being quietly
negotiated by governments around the world.
One of more than twenty trade agreements
administered and enforced by the WTO, GATS
will open up the world's public services to
private corporations. Services including
education, healthcare, water, energy,
social services, postal services,
publishing, broadcasting, libraries,
environmental protection and public
transport will all be laid open to
corporate takeover. If all continues
according to plan, GATS will go into effect
at the end of 2002, greatly impacting
governments' abilities to provide for basic
human rights and the public good.
The GATS covers all services, except for
those supplied “in the exercise of
governmental authority.” But this exception
is vaguely and ambiguously worded, so that
even if the government is involved in a
particular service or service sector, for
example healthcare, compliance is still
required if there is competition between
the public service supplier and private
sector companies. In many countries,
services are provided by a combination of
public and private suppliers, so GATS will
apply quite widely.
GATS Obligations
The GATS imposes many requirements
that will be familiar to those who have
campaigned against other trade and/or
investment treaties. Members are obliged to
open their doors and welcome all foreign
services and service suppliers equally
under what is called “most-favoured nation”
treatment. Countries must specify and bind
themselves to “market access” commitments
relating to the degree of access they will
provide to foreign services and suppliers.
And finally, they must agree to “national
treatment” conditions that require them to
provide the same or better treatment to
foreign services and suppliers as they do
to domestic ones.
WTO members may list limitations to the
degree of market access or national
treatment they will provide. However, once
this is done, they can no longer impose
future limitations that are more stringent
than what they have already specified.
Furthermore, the GATS requires countries to
“progressively liberalize” their
commitments in subsequent rounds of
negotiations, leaving the way open for
further reductions in the restrictions that
can be imposed on foreign services and
service suppliers. Ultimately, it will be
difficult for governments to provide public
services on a not-for-profit basis.
The GATS breaks trade in services into
four categories:
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cross-border service supply, i.e. the
provision of electricity services by a
Mexican electric utility company to the
neighboring town in California;
-
cross-border service consumption,
i.e. tourism or financial services used
by a citizen of Argentina in the United
States;
-
the establishment of “commercial
presence” in another country, i.e. Shell
invests in an oil refinery project in
Nigeria by creating Shell Nigeria as a
separate subsidiary corporation under
Nigerian law; and
-
exchange of staff, i.e. a US or
European law firm sends a lawyer to
Singapore to provide legal advice on
contract negotiations on behalf of their
Singaporean client.
Human Rights Exceptions?
The GATS does not include any clear
regulatory measures that would allow
countries to violate GATS obligations in
order to promote human rights. Members may
adopt or enforce regulatory measures that
may violate their GATS commitments if such
measures are “necessary to protect public
morals or to maintain public order”;
“necessary to protect human, animal or
plant life or health”; or necessary on the
grounds of personal privacy.
However, these exceptions may prove
unwieldy and ineffective in asserting the
human rights concerns of affected local
communities over and above the rights of
foreign investors. For example, the “public
order” exception may be invoked “only where
a genuine and sufficiently serious threat
is posed to one of the fundamental
interests of society.” The protection of
human rights, in light of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and
international law, could be among the
“fundamental interests” that any given
society or state must uphold. However, this
definition would likely be challenged by
other WTO members before the body's dispute
settlement panel.
Governments might also make use of the
protection of human life or health
exceptions, considering that the right to
life is one of the most fundamental human
rights. Or they might choose to impose
regulatory measures in order protect their
citizenry's rights to individual privacy.
However, all of these exceptions would have
be determined “necessary”, and past WTO
appellate body decisions have interpreted
this as being equivalent to the least trade
restrictive alternative measure.
Foreign Investments under the GATS
Human rights problems are most likely
to crop up under the “commercial presence”
category of trade in services, which
essentially refers to foreign investments.
Once a member makes commitments on market
access and national treatment with respect
to “commercial presence”, “related
transfers of capital into its territory”
are also required.
Although many developing country
governments lack the human, financial,
technical and logistical resources to
adequately control and regulate the
activities of large transnational
corporations (TNCs) investing in various
projects in their countries, retaining
regulatory flexibility with respect to
foreign investments is crucial. The same
goes for governments in developed
countries. In many documented instances,
TNC investments in natural resource
extraction and development projects have
led to massive human rights abuses
committed by TNC subsidiaries and their
local political and security allies against
the local host communities.
For example, FoE Nigeria is campaigning
against the continued presence of Shell and
other northern oil corporations in their
country. TNC oil operations in Nigeria have
resulted in deaths, injuries, cultural
fragmentation, and economic, physical and
social displacement among the local
communities. FoE groups in Indonesia and
the Philippines are campaigning with their
partner communities against the intrusion
of mining TNCs onto the ancestral lands and
territories of indigenous communities.
Large-scale commercial mining as conducted
by TNCs, whether in developing or developed
countries, has often led to community
displacement and increased economic
marginalization.
Corporate threats to public services will
also intensify under the GATS, cementing
anti-human rights trends already in place
due to IMF-imposed structural adjustment
programmes. Citizens in many Latin American
countries are currently threatened by the
entry of private healthcare corporations
from the United States, and developing
countries are the target of water companies
eager to privatize what has always been a
public good (see article this issue). More
than 40 countries have already agreed to
open up their education sectors under the
GATS, and the outcome will be the
replacement of universal public education
systems by schools for those who can afford
to pay.
Under the GATS, examples like these will
only increase, and the recourse of member
governments to human rights and
environmental abuses will be limited. One
important way that a country can maintain
maximum regulatory flexibility when it
comes to foreign investment is by
indicating that it makes no (or “unbound”)
commitments with respect to the services
and service sectors that it believes are
vital to its national interests and the
protection of its people's human
rights.
Human Rights over Foreign
Investments
GATS commitments and obligations might
be used by governments to justify measures
that prioritize foreign investments over
human rights. Many governments, especially
those of developing countries, see foreign
investments, especially by TNCs, in a
positive light. As with any human economic
activity, however, foreign investments need
to be regulated and channeled to ensure
that only investments that will benefit the
people and local communities – in terms of
economic equity, political empowerment,
environmental sustainability, and
recognition of resource rights – are
allowed.
The GATS threatens to limit this
governmental ability to regulate
investments. In so doing, it indirectly
removes the ability of local communities to
determine their own destinies and the
direction and pace of their development.
NGOs must continue to campaign for a
moratorium on the GATS negotiations, and
instead call for international agreements
that would strengthen public service
provisions through international law. Most
importantly, we must call for a
multilateral recognition of the primacy of
human rights concerns over foreign investor
rights.
Vice Yu,
Friends of the Earth
International
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