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page 62

  issue 107 link
january 2005   

 

the millennium development goals for sale!

At the change of the Millennium, Heads of States from all over the world came together at the United Nations to set themselves an ambitious set of goals: the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). They pledged, stronger and more concretely than they had ever done before, to combat poverty, hunger, disease, the discrimination of women, and environmental degradation. Concrete goals were set, amongst others, to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, to promote gender equality and empower women, to combat the most important diseases and child mortality and to ensure environmental sustainability. Specific targets were set for each of these goals, including the target to integrate the principles of sustainable development into country policies and programmes and reverse the loss of environmental resources, and the target to halve, by 2015, the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water.

Yet, as concluded by the first reports of the Millennium Development Project, which reviews progress in achieving these targets, the lack of financial resources is a major stumbling block for the implementation of these goals. The money that is pumped into the war in Iraq is more than enough to meet all the MDGs, yet regretfully, securing access to oil has turned out to be a higher priority for the world’richest governments than combating poverty, hunger and AIDS.

But IFIs and other promoters of the Washington consensus found a way out of the dilemma: privatizing the Millennium Development Goals. The new recipe is called public-private partnerships. By involving the private sector, including large NGOs, in the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals, new sources of private funding could be tapped. Governments were recommended, and often even forced, to involve the private sector in the provision of a wide array of basic services, ranging from water, education and health care, to environmental protection. As a result, corporations play an increasingly large role in the implementation of the MDGs: in some countries, for example, the overwhelming majority of reproductive health care centres is in private hands.

The privatization of environmental governance in general also entails the severe risk that the corporations who provide generous financial contributions to the implementation of environmental commitments, will also start to set environmental policies. An alarming example is the new partnerships between multilateral environmental agreements and industry. Bayer for example, a multinational with a vested interest in biotechnology, is contributing generously to the implementation of the Convention to Combat Desertification. Needless to say, genetically modified crops are one of the solutions to desertification promoted by this partnership. Carbon traders like the FACE foundation are involved as “independent advisors” on carbon sequestration policies in the Climate Convention. The Nature Conservancy acts as an “independent advisor” on protected area policies for the Convention on Biodiversity. Even more fascinating is the joint policy paper full of beautiful photos of colourful birds and trees on protected areas that was produced by the Secretariat to the Convention on Biodiversity in partnership with the multinational oil company Shell Inc. Needless to say this policy paper included the remarkable recommendation that oil exploration in protected areas should be possible, as long as it is done under certain conditions.

And even the UN Environment Program, one of the poorest of all UN institutions, is increasingly reaching out its hands to the private sector - for financial contributions that is. Now that governments are still refusing to pay the normal mandatory contributions to this UN institution, UNEP’s functioning is frighteningly dependent on voluntary contributions, including voluntary contributions from its “partners” in business and industry.

Yet, this corporate control and privatization of public policy comes at a price. This publication describes in detail how privatization of water and biodiversity has lead to severe negative social and environmental impacts in many countries. It is the monetary poor, especially women, who pay the highest price, which makes this approach de facto incompatible with the first and third MDGs.

It is time governments stop selling out their responsibilities. In countries like Indonesia, there is a tendency for governments to withdraw even further from sectors like education and health care, now that public-private partnerships are taking over the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals in the field of education and health care. But it is governments who committed themselves to the MDGs. It is governments who committed themselves, at the World Summit for Social Development, to dedicate 20 percent of their budget to social services like education and health care. It is governments who committed themselves to the implementation of Agenda 21, the 600-plus-page book of recommendations that came out of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992, and the Johannesburg Plan of Action that came out of the World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002. It is governments who committed themselves to the almostclassical targetof 0.7 percentGDP for Official Development Assistance. It is governments who should ensure MDG 7 to ensure environmental sustainability is fulfilled. And it is governments who should fulfil the MDG to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger.

If there is one thing we learned from the war in Iraq, it is that there is no lack of money. There is no need to sell nature and other commons, if governments would just, for once, fulfil their promises.

more information
United Nations Millennium Development Goals

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