page 18
Demonstrators
protest US efforts to sabotage
negotiations on the Framework Convention
on Tobacco Control in front of the US Department of
Health and
Human Services in February
2003.
toxic treaty
nafta's cautionary tales
Under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) Chapter 11 investment rules, environmental and public interest standards have been successfully challenged for interfering with the business interests of multinational investors. Global tobacco and agribusiness giant Philip Morris is one of the corporations that has used the threat of a NAFTA Chapter 11 challenge to protect its commercial interests. Philip Morris has strong links to the powerful and fiercely pro-corporate investment lobby, and with its global reach, the company could also benefit significantly from a WTO investment agreement.
toxic tribunal: metaclad vs.
mexico
In a dramatic example of how NAFTA
undermines local communities, Mexico lost a
Chapter 11 challenge and was forced to pay
nearly US$16 million to a US business,
Metalclad, after the local community in San
Luis Potosi refused to allow the operation
of a hazardous waste landfill in their
midst. The international tribunal that
heard the case ruled that the establishment
of an ecological zone in the area where the
hazardous waste site was located amounted
to an ‘expropriation’ of the company’s
investment in the site, and was therefore a
violation of Chapter 11. This decision was
reached even though the community had
longstanding concerns about the facility’s
potential impacts on the surrounding
environment.
toxic trade: pcbs free to
travel
In another case, Canada lost a suit
brought by a US company challenging
Canada’s ban on the export of highly toxic
PCBs. The tribunal ruled that Canada
violated the ‘national treatment’ rules of
Chapter 11 – supposedly benign rules that
bar discrimination against investors from
other countries – although at the same time
it acknowledged that Canada acted
reasonably given its obligations under the
Basel Convention on the cross-border
movement of hazardous wastes. Under the
Basel Convention, countries are obligated
to restrict trade in hazardous wastes and
promote treatment of the waste
domestically, rather than in foreign
countries. Yet the tribunal ruled that the
PCB export ban was not permissible because
Canada should have used alternative,
apparently ‘less trade restrictive,’
approaches.
However, Philip Morris argued that the cigarette regulation amounted to an ‘expropriation’ of its investment in Canada because ‘light’ and ‘mild’ were terms used in the registered trademarks used by the company’s brands. The company claimed that NAFTA’s investment rules should prevent Canada from taking the actions it has contemplated to protect public health. While Philip Morris has not yet brought a Chapter 11 case against Canada, it certainly sought to force change in Canada’s public policy process using the investment rules.
As a cigarette company with truly global reach and brands in 160 markets, Philip Morris would benefit significantly from an investment agreement at the WTO. With tobacco set to take 10 million lives a year by 2030, the leverage that a multilateral investment agreement which covers 148 countries could give a multinational corporation like Philip Morris is disturbing.
Philip Morris is a member of the United States Council of International Business (USCIB), the US chapter of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC). The ICC is a key advocate of a WTO investment agreement. The USCIB is pushing for NAFTA-like investment protection in the Free Trade Area of the Americas including strong expropriation provisions and the ability of corporations to directly sue the states, which were used so effectively by Metalclad against Mexico.
regulatory chill, philip morris
and nafta
Against this backdrop of Chapter 11
challenges to the public interest, Philip
Morris used NAFTA’s investment rules to
threaten Canada in a fight over cigarette
packaging regulations. This case highlights
the way in which free trade agreements with
powerful dispute mechanisms, like NAFTA and
the WTO, can have a ‘chilling effect’ on
environmental and health regulations, as
governments can be scared to even risk
contravening trade rules.
In a formal submission, Philip Morris warned the Canadian government that a prohibition on the use of the terms ‘light’ and ‘mild’amounted to a Chapter 11 violation – implicitly threatening a challenge before an international tribunal. Canada proposed the regulation in late 2001 in response to a consensus among public health experts that the mild and light descriptors are fundamentally misleading and are not less hazardous to smokers’ health, in part because smokers compensate for reduced tar and nicotine by inhaling more deeply.
In Philip Morris’ case, the benefits of increased access to markets around the world, which would be facilitated by a WTO investment agreement as well as by regional trade agreements like the FTAA, extend far beyond the realm of tobacco. Philip Morris’ parent company, Altria, is actually just a new name for the cigarette conglomerate, a multifaceted business that includes Kraft Foods, one of the world’s largest users of genetically modified ingredients. Is this what the world needs: more Marlboro cigarettes and potentially contaminated taco shells?

